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. Author manuscript; available in PMC: 2025 Mar 14.
Published in final edited form as: Infancy. 2023 Mar 20;28(4):771–792. doi: 10.1111/infa.12536

Specificity of Phonological Representations in U.S. English-Speaking Late Talkers and Typical Talkers

Philip R Curtis 1, Ryne Estabrook 2, Megan Y Roberts 1, Adriana Weisleder 1
PMCID: PMC11908411  NIHMSID: NIHMS2060199  PMID: 36939533

Late talkers are a heterogeneous group of children who experience delayed language development in the absence of other known causes (Fisher, 2017). Late talkers show delays in expressive phonological development, but less is known about their receptive phonological development. In the current study, U.S. monolingual English-speaking typical talkers (n = 23, mean age = 26.27 months, 57 % male; 78.3 % White) and late talkers (n = 22, mean age = 24.57 months, 59% male, 72.7% White) completed a Looking-While-Listening task to assess their sensitivity to mispronunciations. Results revealed that late talkers and typical talkers looked to the referent of a word for a shorter duration when it was mispronounced than when it was correctly pronounced, suggesting they were sensitive to mispronunciations. However, there were no significant differences between the two groups in their sensitivity to mispronunciations.

One of the most common concerns that parents raise during well-child visits is delayed language development (Coonrod & Stone, 2004; Yimgang et al., 2017). This expression of parental concerns about communication development is consistent with epidemiological data that show that approximately 10 - 20% of 24-month-olds experience delayed communication development (Collisson et al., 2016; Horwitz et al., 2003; Reilly et al., 2007; Zubrick et al., 2007). These toddlers are sometimes referred to as “late talkers” (LTs) or children with late language emergence. In research studies and in clinical settings, toddlers are classified as LTs when they present with reduced expressive vocabulary relative to their age-matched peers (variably defined as at or below the 10th, 15th, or 20th percentile on a parent-reported expressive vocabulary checklist) or when they are not combining words by 2 years of age (Beckage et al., 2011; Hodges et al., 2017; Kelly, 1998; Lu et al., 2020; Rescorla et al., 1997). The long-term outcomes for these LTs are highly variable. Approximately 20% of LTs exhibit general language skills below expected levels at 7 years of age, compared to 11% of typical talkers (TTs) (Rice et al., 2008). Others go on to develop language in the low-average range and may struggle with reading and other academic skills later in life (Rescorla, 2009). A core barrier in clinical intervention for this population is the lack of quality predictors that exist to determine which LTs will recover spontaneously, and which LTs would benefit from early language intervention.

Many clinical instruments used to assess the language abilities of toddlers rely on parent-reported vocabulary checklists or standardized behavioral assessments of the child’s general language abilities. However, lower scores on these measures may be caused by a number of underlying differences in speech-language processing (Stackhouse & Wells, 1997). Psycholinguistic models suggest a number of possible disrupted processes that could lead to reduced expressive vocabulary. For instance, Stackhouse and Wells’ Speech Processing Model outlines distinct processes in language perception and production that can contribute to difficulties in expressive vocabulary development, such as phonological recognition, storage of phonological and/or semantic representations, motor programming, motor planning, and motor execution (Stackhouse & Wells, 1997). Likewise, the semantic-lexical-auditory-motor (SLAM) model (Walker & Hickok, 2016) contains separate units for auditory-phonological representations, semantic representations, and motor-phonological representations for lexical items. Difficulties in any one of these psycholinguistic processes could result in delays in expressive vocabulary development, yet different processes may have different long-term outcomes and may require different forms of intervention. This study contributes to developing a more complete characterization of the psycholinguistic processes underlying expressive language delays in toddlers by investigating late talkers’ phonological processing.

Phonological Development in Early Childhood

In order to become competent and efficient language users, infants and toddlers need to acquire the phonological system(s) of the language(s) in their environment, a process which is closely tied to their ability to form lexical representations. The development of a child’s phonological system can be observed both in language production as well as in language perception. In clinical practice, assessment of infants’ and toddlers’ early phonological development typically involves assessing their phonemic inventories, including the phonemes produced in multiple positions within word productions and the diversity of syllable structures produced (Paul & Jennings, 1992). These measures are thought to reflect the acquisition of the rule-based phonological system of the language or languages to which children are exposed.

While these linguistic behaviors are evidence of the productive manifestations of children’s developing phonological systems, other work has used perception and comprehension tasks to investigate the nature of children’s internal representations of lexical forms. Early theories posited that infants formed indistinct, holistic representations of the phonological structure of words they understand (Charles-Luce & Luce, 1995; Metsala & Walley, 1998), and only create representations with fine-grained phonetic detail as their lexicons expand and acquire words with similar phonological structures that require precise encoding. However, a preponderance of evidence has accumulated demonstrating that infants are sensitive to small phonemic differences in word comprehension tasks from early in development. For example, Fennell and Werker (2003) found that 14-month-olds were sensitive to contrasts in known words that differed on only one phonological feature (‘ball’ and ‘doll’, which are minimal pairs in the English dialect spoken by participants in this study).

One method for assessing infants’ and toddlers’ internal phonological representations is the Looking While Listening (LWL) Mispronunciation paradigm (Swingley & Aslin, 2000). In this paradigm, children are shown two images on the screen representing familiar objects (e.g., dog, baby) and they hear a word naming one of the images (e.g., Look! Dog!). There are two conditions in this paradigm: the correct pronunciation condition, in which the target item is labeled correctly, and the mispronunciation condition, in which children hear the target label with a mispronunciation on one phoneme. Children’s looking behavior (most often the proportion of time spent looking at the target image) is then compared between the two conditions to derive a measure of ‘mispronunciation sensitivity’.

Using this paradigm, Swingley and Aslin (2002) found that 14- and 15-month-olds were sensitive to mispronunciations on the onsets of familiar words. These findings have been replicated in multiple conditions across the second year of life. Toddlers can detect mispronunciations across multiple phonological features (White & Morgan, 2008) and are sensitive to mispronunciations on word onsets (Swingley & Aslin, 2000; White & Morgan, 2008), vowels (Mani & Plunkett, 2011), codas (Swingley, 2009), and lexical tone (in languages which possess this feature) (Wewalaarachchi et al., 2017). Taken together, these findings suggest that infants and toddlers without known language delays or disorders have formed fine-grained phonological representations of words in their receptive vocabularies prior to age 2 (see Von Holzen & Bergmann, 2021 for a meta-analysis).

Other work has explored whether children’s sensitivity to minimal phonological differences in experimental tasks is associated with their early language development. For instance, Werker et al. (2002) found that when 14-month-olds were taught new words that differed by only one phoneme (‘bih’ and ‘dih’), only infants with larger vocabularies could detect changes between the two words. Using a mispronunciation paradigm, Law and Edwards (2015) found that 30- to 46-month-olds’ sensitivity to mispronunciations was associated with their vocabulary size: children with larger vocabularies were more sensitive to mispronunciations. However, other studies have failed to find any correlation between vocabulary size and sensitivity to mispronunciations (e.g., Swingley & Aslin, 2002). While these studies looked at children with typical language development, fewer studies have investigated the specificity of phonological representations in toddlers who are LTs.

Phonological Development in Late Talkers

As a group, LTs experience delays in multiple areas of expressive phonological development, including the onset of canonical babbling, the size of their early consonant inventories, the complexity of early learned words, the inclusion of atypical phonological patterns in their word productions, and increased variability in sound productions (Williams & Elbert, 2003). Delays in LTs’ expressive phonology may stem from difficulties with the motoric aspect of speech production or may stem from difficulties creating and/or retrieving phonological representations (Oller et al., 1999). Observations of LTs’ language production are not sufficient to differentiate between these.

A few studies have used the LWL mispronunciation paradigm to investigate links between lexical phonological representations and language ability in samples that include toddlers with language delays. For instance, Höhle et al. (2009) administered a LWL mispronunciation task to a group of toddlers at 18 months; then, at 30 months, toddlers were classified as having typical language or low language. The toddlers classified as having typical language at 30 months had shown sensitivity to mispronunciations at 18 months, looking to the target image only when it was labeled correctly. The toddlers classified as having low language performance at 30 months, on the other hand, had only looked to the target image when the label was mispronounced, and not when it was pronounced correctly. The authors suggest that this difference may be due to the low language performance group having unstable phonological representations. However, given the retrospective nature of this study, these findings are difficult to interpret.

Another study used a variant of the LWL mispronunciation task to compare 23-month-old toddlers concurrently classified as LTs and TTs (MacRoy-Higgins et al., 2013). The authors taught LTs and TTs 12 novel words over 10 sessions. The authors then used multiple measures to assess toddlers’ learning of these nonwords, including traditional comprehension measures that required the child to point to physical objects, production tasks that required children to label the novel objects, and a LWL mispronunciation task. When data from the LWL task was analyzed separately for LTs, they showed no evidence of sensitivity to mispronunciations for the novel words. One interpretation of these findings is that LTs have less precise phonological representations and ‘accept’ mispronunciations as correct. However, LTs also performed worse than TTs on traditional comprehension measures of the novel words. Thus, it may be that LTs did not show sensitivity to the mispronunciations in this task because they had not had enough experience with the novel words. With additional exposures, LTs may show sensitivity to mispronunciations.

The Current Study

In order to better understand the extent to which LTs form detailed phonological representations of words after repeated exposure, the current study investigates LTs’ sensitivity to mispronunciations for familiar real words. The results from this study will elucidate whether LTs possess fine-grained phonological representations for familiar words they have been exposed to many times, in contrast to the novel words used by MacRoy-Higgins et al. (2013). The results will also help us understand whether difficulties in creating detailed phonological representations may be a causal mechanism in LTs’ delayed expressive vocabulary development.

In the current study, we administered a LWL mispronunciation task to a sample of LTs and TTs. The study was designed to test whether LTs show a mispronunciation effect when the stimuli involve familiar items, as has been observed in TTs. Our hypothesis is that LTs as a group will show reduced sensitivity to mispronunciations compared to the TTs.

Methods

Participants

All procedures involving human subjects in this study were approved by the Institutional Review Board at Northwestern University (STU000208022). The present study was conducted according to guidelines laid down in the Declaration of Helsinki, with written informed consent obtained from a parent or guardian for each child before any assessment or data collection. Participants were recruited through online advertisements, flyers distributed in the community, and through existing research databases. Participants were eligible if the child was between the ages of 22 and 30 months of age, was born at 37 weeks gestation or later, and if the caregiver reported that their child only heard English at home, had no concerns about their child’s hearing, and had no concerns that their child may have an autism spectrum disorder. Additional screening for autism and non-verbal cognitive delay was conducted during research visits, as described below.

Our original recruitment goal was to enroll 40 LTs and 40 TTs, yet recruitment and data collection were curtailed due to the COVID-19 pandemic. In total, 57 participants were enrolled in the study. Twelve participants were excluded from the analysis: six toddlers met screening criteria for autism; two toddlers met screening criteria for non-verbal cognitive delay; one toddler’s caregiver did not complete the MCDI; and three toddlers did not contribute at least 4 trials in each condition during the Looking-While-Listening task (a criterion set in the pre-registered analysis plan). A total of 45 toddlers were retained for analyses. Twenty-three toddlers were classified as TTs, and 22 as LTs, using the definitions below.

Participant characteristics are given in Table 1. Although our recruitment strategies included advertising widely in the community and using recruitment materials including images of racially and ethnically diverse families, the final sample consisted of families who were predominantly White and of high socioeconomic status, which is not representative of the wider population. Toddlers in the TT and LT groups were similar on most characteristics. However, toddlers in the LT group were significantly younger than toddlers in the TT group (t(42.24) = 2.60, p = 0.01). Consistent with our analysis plan, we include child age as a covariate in all models, together with race (White vs. not White), biological sex, and caregiver education (college or less vs. post-secondary degree). A detailed discussion of how the age difference between groups might impact the results is presented in the discussion.

Table 1.

Participant Characteristics

Variable Typical Talkers Late Talkers
Mean (SD), Range, or n Cohens d p (from t-
test or χ2)
N 23 22
Age (Months) 26.27 (2.38) 24.57 (1.99) 0.77 0.01
STAT Scorea 0.42 (0.34) 0.61 (0.50) −0.45 0.15
MSEL-VRb 51.61 (19.51) 50.00 (8.24) 0.11 0.72
MCDI Percentile Score 61.88 (24.31) 12.92 (9.08) 2.67 < 0.001
MCDI Percentile Range 20-95 5 – 35
Caregiver education 0.585
  Some college 1 0
  College graduate 9 10
  Graduate/professional training or above 13 12
Caregiver report of child race 0.778
  White 18 16
  Black 1 1
  Asian 0 1
  More than one race 4 4
Child Biological Sex 1
  Male 13 13
  Female 10 9

Note. Abbreviations: STAT, Screening Tool for Autism in Toddlers; MSEL VR, Mullen Scales of Early Learning Visual Reception; MCDI, MacArthur-Bates Communicative Development Inventory

a

Score range of 0 – 4

b

T-Score (Mean = 50; SD = 10)

Screening Measures

Screening Tool for Autism in Toddlers and Young Children (STAT; Stone & Ousley, 2008). The STAT is a Level 2 autism screener for children between the ages of 24 and 36 months, with studies demonstrating its validity in younger children as well (Stone et al., 2008). The STAT assesses three broad domains: Play, Social Communication, and Imitation Skills. Assessors use a series of activities throughout the assessment, including rolling a ball back and forth with the assessor, giving the child a sealed jar of snack that the child cannot open themselves, and giving the child a bag of toys. The STAT classifies children receiving a score of 2 or higher as having a higher likelihood of having autism. Six toddlers scored a 2 or higher on the STAT and were excluded from the study; these toddlers were also referred for further assessment through Illinois’ Early Intervention System.

Childhood Autism Rating Scale, Second Edition (CARS-2; Schopler et al., 2010). Two toddlers in the study did not complete the STAT because their second study visit was cancelled due to the 2020 Covid-19 pandemic. To screen for the presence of autism in these participants, we utilized the CARS-2. The CARS-2 is an observational coding system. Observers rate children on 15 items, including items that assess how the child relates to others, how the child uses objects, and how the child adapts to change. The CARS-2 can be scored based on observations of the child in a variety of settings. For the current study, a trained rater scored the CARS-2 based on recordings of a 15-minute caregiver-child interaction. Both toddlers scored in the “minimal to no risk of autism spectrum disorder” category and were included in the study.

Mullen Scales of Early Learning, Visual Reception Scale (MSEL-VR; Mullen, 1995). The MSEL is a norm-referenced standardized assessment of early cognitive development in children from birth to 68 months of age. This subscale assesses children’s non-verbal cognitive skills. Children complete a range of activities, such as completing a foam-board puzzle, making object associations, and matching shapes. The Visual Reception scale produces a T-Score based on the child’s age. In the current study, toddlers needed to achieve a T-Score of 35 (1.5 standard deviations below the mean) or higher to be included in the study. Two children obtained a T-Score lower than a 35 and were excluded from the study.

Expressive vocabulary assessment and classification into TT and LT groups

The MacArthur-Bates Communicative Development Inventory – Words and Sentences (MCDI; Fenson et al., 2006) was used to measure toddlers’ vocabularies and to classify children into the Later Talker (LT) and Typical Talker (TT) groups. The MCDI is a standardized and norm-referenced caregiver report measure of children’s communication development, including expressive vocabulary and syntax. Toddlers who received a score at or below the 15th percentile (Beckage et al., 2011; Hodges et al., 2017; Lu et al., 2020), and/or children who had no reported two-word combinations were classified as LTs. All other children were classified as TTs.

It is important to note that we utilized a definition of LT status that included two possible criteria: a child was classified as an LT if either they had a vocabulary score on the MCDI at or below the 15th percentile or they were not combining words. Using low expressive vocabulary or lack of word combinations to define LTs is consistent with definitions used in previous studies and in clinical settings (Beckage et al., 2011; Hodges et al., 2017; Lu et al., 2020; Rescorla et al., 1997; Rescorla & Schwartz, 1990). However, the youngest children in the current study were 22 months of age, which is 2 months younger than the typical criterion of not combining words by 24 months. Thus, one might worry that classifying children as LTs for not combining words at 22 months is too inclusive a definition for LTs. However, norming data from the MCDI shows that in a sample of 911 toddlers, over 90% were combining words by 22 months (Fenson et al., 2000; Hoff et al., 2012). These data support our criteria of classifying toddlers as LTs if they were not yet combining words by 22 months, as this places them in the bottom 10% relative to their same-aged peers, consistent with our criteria for vocabulary size.

Looking While Listening Mispronunciation Task

Twelve monosyllabic words that are acquired early in development (Fenson et al., 2006) were selected. Six yoked pairs were created by matching word pairs on age of acquisition as derived from the US English data on Wordbank, an online repository of MCDI data (Fenson et al., 2006; Fernald et al., 2013; Frank et al., 2017; Thal et al., 2013), lexical frequency in child-directed speech as derived from the North American English collection in CHILDES (MacWhinney, 2014; Sanchez et al., 2019), and phonological neighborhood size from the Clearpond database (Marian et al., 2012). For each word, a mispronunciation was created by altering the initial phoneme’s voicing (6 words) or place of articulation (6 words). See Table 2 for stimuli descriptions. Previous work has shown that toddlers as young as 19 months of age are sensitive to changes in both voicing and place of articulation in the mispronunciation paradigm (White & Morgan, 2008). In this design, sensitivity to mispronunciation refers to the proportion of frames looking to the target vs. the distracter image in the correct pronunciation condition relative to the proportion of frames looking to the target vs. the distracter image in the mispronunciation condition. This is captured by the ‘condition’ term in the models.

Table 2.

Lexical Stimuli Properties

Initial Phoneme (IPA)
Yoked Pair Word Correct Mispronunciation Type of change
1 fork /f/ /s/ Place
purse /p/ /b/ Voicing
2 foot /f/ /v/ Voicing
book /b/ /p/ Voicing
3 duck /d/ /g/ Place
bed /b/ /p/ Voicing
4 ball /b/ /g/ Place
car /k/ /g/ Voicing
5 bib /b/ /g/ Place
couch /k/ /t/ Place
6 bath /b/ /g/ Place
keys /k/ /g/ Voicing

Each yoked pair was presented 4 times during the experiment. Each item was presented once as a target with the correct pronunciation, once as a target with the mispronunciation, and twice as a distractor for its yoked word. Four pseudo-random counterbalanced orders were created. In each order, side of target presentation was counterbalanced. Orders were adjusted so that the first item was a correct pronunciation and no more than two mispronunciations were presented consecutively. Additional filler trials with colorful images and cartoon characters were interspersed every 3 to 4 trials to maintain toddlers’ attention.

On each trial, two images were presented for a total of 7000 ms. After 1500 ms, toddlers heard the speaker say “Look!” At 3000 ms, the target stimulus word was played (e.g., “Couch!”). The images remained on the screen for another 4000 ms in silence. The trials thus consisted of a pre-naming phase (0-3000 ms) and a post-naming phase (3000 – 7000 ms). See Figure 1.

Figure 1.

Figure 1.

Stimulus Presentation

Audio stimuli were recorded by a female Midwest American English speaker who used infant-directed prosody. Multiple examples of each word were recorded. A group of adults then listened to both correct and mispronunciation word tokens in isolation. Only tokens on which all listeners correctly identified the initial phoneme were included as stimuli in the experiments. Words were on average 0.7315 (sd = 0.0856) seconds in duration. The correct pronunciation and mispronunciation word sets did not differ in their length (t(21.784) = −0.378, p = 0.709), mean pitch (t(21.719) = 1.028, p = 0.315), or listeners’ average clarity ratings (t(21.997) = 1.481, p = 0.153).

Two sets of images were selected for each yoked pair of stimuli (e.g., there were two image pairs for the duck-bed pair, two for the foot-book pair, etc.). We used two image pairs to maintain toddlers’ interest and attention during the experiment (see Supplemental Materials for an example). Images were resized and centered in a 600 x 600 pixel area. The narrower of the two images was adjusted so its maximum length would be 600 pixels. The other image was then resized so that it had approximately the same number of pixels. Images were placed on a 1920 x 1080 gray background.

Procedure

All toddlers completed a brief warm-up upon arriving at the lab and played with a set of toys with the research staff. All testing was completed by a PhD student receiving clinical training in speech-language pathology. After completing the warm-up, toddlers completed the eye tracking experiment and other testing procedures, including completing the Mullen and the STAT while their parent completed questionnaires.

The LWL experiment was presented using Tobii Studio Pro. Toddlers either sat in a highchair or in their caregiver’s lap in a sound-attenuating area of the testing room. Caregivers were given a pair of occluded sunglasses to wear and were instructed not to repeat any of the target words and to only speak to redirect their toddler’s attention to the stimuli. Visual stimuli were presented on a 24” ASUS VS248H-P screen. Auditory stimuli were presented at 65 dB through Bose Companion 2 Series III Multimedia Speakers on either side of the screen. Toddlers’ gaze was captured using a Tobii X3-120 corneal-reflection eyetracker using a 120 Hz sampling rate and via video recording. The entire LWL procedure took approximately 5 minutes to complete.

Eye Tracking Data Preparation

Raw gaze data was exported from the Tobii Pro Studio software. The average gaze coordinates provided by Tobii Pro Studio were used in analyses. Gaps in data less than 75 ms, most likely representing blinks or brief periods of track loss, were interpolated using scripts from Unger et al. (2020). An area of interest (AOI) was drawn around each image.

Data from six participants were hand coded using peyecoder (v 1.1.13; Olson et al., 2020). Two of these participants had extreme track loss, despite optimal viewing position and angle. The first and last author reviewed plots that aggregated fixations from each toddler in a cartesian plane to identify calibration drift. Plots were reviewed in a random order, and identifying information was removed from each plot. The authors were blind to LT status, and plots contained data from both correct pronunciation and mispronunciation conditions. From this inspection, four toddlers were identified as having significant drift. Upon reviewing the videos for these toddlers, it was observed that these toddlers frequently shifted their head position during the experiment, despite remaining attentive. These toddlers’ data were hand-coded in peyecoder as well. A separate participant with optimal data from the Tobii eye tracker was also hand coded, and the Tobii gaze data was compared with hand-coded data. The correlation between proportion of looks to the target image in 100 ms bins was 0.93, demonstrating that the two methods gave very similar results.

Data were processed in R (v 4.0.3) (R Core Team, 2014) using the eyetrackingR package (Dink & Ferguson, 2015) and the lme4 package (Bates et al., 2015). Looks to neither AOI (shifts, looking at parts of the screen outside the AOI, trackloss, looks away from the screen, etc.) were removed. In order to reduce autocorrelation among adjacent timepoints in growth curve analyses, temporally adjacent samples from the eye tracking data were collapsed into 100 ms bins, following standard eye tracking analysis procedures (Mirman, 2014). For window analyses, all gaze data from the analysis window were collapsed into a single bin.

Analysis Plan

Statistical models.

The analysis plan was pre-registered on OSF prior to analyzing any main effects (https://osf.io/hynb8). In all analyses, the caregiver’s education and the toddler’s race (White vs. non-White), age, and biological sex were included as covariates. We utilized an analysis window of 300-1800 ms post-word onset (Fernald et al., 2008). In the current study, sensitivity to mispronunciation indexes the proportion of frames in the analysis window that children look to the target vs. the distractor in the correct pronunciation relative to the proportion of frames in the analysis window that children look to the target vs. the distractor image in the mispronunciation condition. In the statistical models, this difference is captured by the coefficient of the condition variable, which represents the comparison between the Mispronunciation condition (coded as 1) to the Correct Pronunciation condition (coded as 0).

Window Analysis.

Consistent with prior studies using the Looking While Listening (LWL) paradigm, we first conducted a window analysis (Swingley & Aslin, 2000; White & Morgan, 2008). In this type of analysis, the total amount of time spent looking at the target versus the distractor during the analysis window were entered into a model. We conducted the window analysis using a logistic mixed effects model, with talker status (LT vs TT), experimental condition (correct pronunciation vs. mispronunciation), and their interaction included in the model, along with covariates.

Growth Curve Modeling.

The window analysis approach collapses all data within the analysis window, potentially obscuring fine-grained temporal differences in toddlers’ processing of stimuli. To capitalize on the temporal precision offered by the LWL methodology, we also analyzed data using growth curve modeling (Barr, 2008; Mirman et al., 2008). While previous studies have utilized an empirical logit transformation of gaze data, there are several statistical shortcomings with this approach (see Donnelly and Verkuilen (2017) for a detailed review and simulation). For this reason, we utilized a logistic mixed effects model, which uses a vector of successes (a sample in which the toddler looks to the target) and failures (a sample in which the toddler looks to the distractor) within each 100 msec timebin or window (Donnelly & Verkuilen, 2017; Mirman, 2014).

Results

Out of a total of 1,080 trials, 867 (80.28%) were retained for analysis. Trials were excluded for the following reasons: equipment failure or aborted trial (n=6), toddler not looking before or after target word (n=41), noise during the critical word (n=78), toddler was inattentive during critical word (n=13), trackloss or inattentiveness (n=75). On average, TTs contributed 20.09, and LTs contributed 18.41 trials (t =1.444 (37.722), p = 0.157).

An analysis of looks to the target image during the pre-naming phase (−1500 to 0 ms before target word onset) revealed no systematic preference for the target image before naming (TTs = 50.633%, LTs = 48.737%, t(40.173) = 0.811, p = 0.423). Accordingly, we did not control for pre-naming gaze behavior in analyses.

Window Analysis

Looks to the target and looks to the distractor were entered into a logistic multilevel model with fixed effects of condition (dummy coded as 0=correct, 1=mispronunciation), talker type (dummy coded as 0=TT, 1=LT), and a condition x talker type interaction, as well as random effects for participant, participant by condition, lexical item, and lexical item by condition. Both LTs and TTs were included in this model. Results for this analysis are given in Table 3.

Table 3.

Window Analysis, 300 – 1800 ms

Predictors Log-Odds Std. Error Wald Z p
Intercept 0.966 0.176 5.479 <0.001
Late Talker −0.340 0.180 −1.894 0.058
Condition (Mispronunciation) −0.569 0.150 −3.793 <0.001
Late Talker : Condition 0.191 0.168 1.136 0.256
Child Age (Scaled) 0.071 0.083 0.863 0.388

Because TTs are the reference group, the intercept in this model represents TTs’ looks to the target image in the correct pronunciation condition. Typical talkers looked more to the target than the distractor image in the correct pronunciation condition (Wald = 5.479, p < .001). Across both conditions, LTs looked less at the target than TTs, although the effect of talker type was only marginally significant (p = 0.058), see Figure 3. There was a significant effect of condition (Wald = −3.793, p < .001), indicating that toddlers looked more to the target image in the correct pronunciation condition compared to the mispronunciation condition. Finally, the LT by Condition interaction was not significant (p = 0.256), indicating that the effect of Condition did not differ between TTs and LTs. These results suggests that across both LT and TT groups, toddlers were sensitive to mispronunciations and looked less to the target image when words were mispronounced than when they were correctly pronounced.

Figure 3.

Figure 3.

Relation Between Productive Vocabulary Size and Marginal Proportion of Frames Looking to the Target (vs Distracter) by Phonological Condition

Productive Vocabulary as a Continuous Predictor.

Various definitions of Late Talkers exist in the literature, and some researchers have argued that a dimensional approach – as opposed to a binary distinction between LTs and TTs – better reflects early language abilities (Perry & Kucker, 2019). Thus, we also performed a window-analysis with total vocabulary scores from the MCDI entered as a scaled continuous predictor in place of the talker status variable.

Once again, Mispronunciation Condition was significant (Wald = −3.816, p < 0.001), indicating that, as a group, toddlers were sensitive to mispronunciations. There was also a significant effect of MCDI score (Wald = 3.776, p < 0.001), indicating that toddlers with larger productive vocabularies looked to the target image more than toddlers with smaller productive vocabularies. The coefficient of the interaction term between MCDI and Condition was marginally significant (Wald = −1.830, p = 0.067). As illustrated in Figure 3, toddlers with larger vocabularies showed a bigger difference in looks to the target between the correct pronunciation and mispronunciation conditions than toddlers with smaller vocabularies.

Growth Curve Analyses

In order to capitalize on the temporal precision offered by the LWL methodology, we also analyzed the timecourse data (illustrated in Figure 4) using growth curve modeling. Growth curve analyses were conducted using logistic fixed effects models. The main model contained orthogonal polynomials for linear and quadratic time (beginning 300 ms after stimulus onset to 1800 ms), as well as their interaction with talker status and mispronunciation condition and previously stated covariates. The model was first run with maximal random effects of intercept, linear time, and quadratic time nested in both participants and participants by condition. This model did not converge, however, and so the random effect of linear time nested within participant was removed, and the intercept and quadratic time random effects nested in participant were set to be uncorrelated (Barr et al., 2013). Results are shown in Table 5.

Figure 4.

Figure 4.

Time Course from 300 – 1800 ms

Table 5.

Growth Curve Analysis, 300 - 1800 ms

Predictors Log-Odds Std. Error Wald Z p
(Intercept) 1.080 0.145 7.437 <0.001
Phonological Condition −0.649 0.140 −4.641 <0.001
Late Talker −0.402 0.198 −2.025 0.043
Late Talker : Phonological Condition 0.236 0.200 1.177 0.239
Late Talker : Linear Time −0.966 0.696 −1.387 0.166
Late Talker: Quadratic Time 0.410 0.362 1.052 0.293
Late Talker : Linear Time : Phonological Condition 0.048 0.866 0.055 0.956
Late Talker : Quadratic Time : Phonological Condition −0.303 0.516 −0.587 0.557
Child Age (Scaled) 0.041 0.067 0.624 0.533

Note. Abbreviations: LT, Late Talker

This analysis revealed a main effect of condition (Wald Z = 7.437, p < 0.001), confirming the mispronunciation effect found in the window analysis. There was also a main effect of talker type (Wald Z = −2.025, p = 0.043), indicating that LTs were less accurate than TTs overall. The main coefficients of interest were the two-way interaction between condition and talker type, and the three-way interactions between condition, talker type, and linear and quadratic time. None of these interactions were significant (talker by condition: Wald Z = 1.177, p = 0.239; talker by condition by linear time: Wald Z = 0.055, p = 0.956; talker by condition by quadratic time: Wald Z = −0.587, p = 0.557). As in the window analysis, these results revealed that both TTs and LTs looked less to the target in the mispronunciation condition relative to the correct pronunciation condition. In these analyses, the effect of talker status was statistically significant, revealing that LTs looked less to the target image overall, but this was not modulated by mispronunciation condition.

Exploratory Analyses: Effect of item phonotactic probability

Previous literature has suggested that words’ phonotactic probability affect toddlers’ sensitivity to mispronunciations (MacRoy-Higgins et al., 2014). In particular, when assessing newly-learned words, MacRoy-Higgins et al. (2013) found that typical talkers showed greater sensitivity to mispronunciation on high-phonotactic probability words compared to low-phonotactic probability words, while phonotactic probability did not influence late-talkers’ sensitivity to mispronunciations. Indeed, the results from our mixed effects models suggested considerable item-level variability in the magnitude of the mispronunciation effect (see Figure 5). Thus, we considered whether phonotactic probability might have a differential impact on TTs’ and LTs’ sensitivity to mispronunciations. Because the study was not designed to assess the impact of phonotactic probability, we also included other item-level covariates: age of acquisition, frequency in child-directed speech, number of phonological neighbors, and mispronunciation type (change in voicing or change in place). Random effects of participant, participant by condition, target word, and target word by condition were entered as well. The main term of interest was the 3-way-interaction between talker type, phonotactic probability, and mispronunciation condition.

Figure 5.

Figure 5.

Item-Level Plots of Proportion of Frames Looking to the Target (vs Distracter)

Results revealed that this 3-way-interaction was significant: phonotactic probability altered the mispronunciation effect, but did so differentially for LTs and TTs. TT’s appeared to be sensitive to mispronunciations in words of varying phonotactic probabilities, whereas’ LTs’ sensitivity to mispronunciations depended on the phonotactic probability of the word. However, since this is an exploratory analysis and the study design was not designed to test the effect of phonotactic probability, this issue merits further study.

Discussion

This study used a Looking-While-Listening paradigm to investigate typical talkers’ and late talkers’ sensitivity to word-initial mispronunciations. The primary research question was whether LTs, who as a group show differences in their expressive phonological development (Carson et al., 2003; Williams & Elbert, 2003), would show similar differences in their receptive phonological development. The present findings do not support our hypothesis that LTs have difficulty forming specific phonological representations of frequently encountered words in their environment. Both LTs and TTs showed sensitivity to mispronunciations, and there was no significant effect of late talker status on sensitivity to mispronunciations, at least for the word-initial mispronunciations on monosyllabic words used in this study.

Although we did not observe differences in sensitivity to mispronunciations between LTs and TTs, we did observe that vocabulary size was associated with toddlers’ processing of both correctly pronounced and mispronounced words (see Figure 3). Toddlers with larger vocabularies looked to the target more than those with smaller vocabularies in both conditions. Moreover, when mispronunciation trials were analyzed on their own, vocabulary was a significant predictor of looks to the target (Wald Z = 2.698, p = 0.007). This suggests that toddlers with smaller vocabularies may have had more difficulty “recovering from” or accommodating mispronunciations compared to their peers with larger vocabularies. While mispronunciation paradigms have largely focused on analyzing the reduction in looking time in the mispronunciation condition compared to the correct pronunciation condition (Von Holzen & Bergmann, 2021), the current findings draw attention to another behavior captured by this task: the extent to which toddlers identify the likely referent of a mispronounced word (Altvater-Mackensen & Mani, 2013).

It is important to note that the LT group was significantly younger than the TT group (24.57 months vs 26.27 months). Age was included as a covariate in all statistical models and did not approach statistical significance in any model. In fact, the child age variable yielded comparatively small effect sizes, suggesting that vocabulary size was a more important predictor of performance than age, at least within this relatively narrow age range. If age had influenced performance we would expect larger group differences, with the older TT group showing greater sensitivity to mispronunciations. However, no group differences were observed between the younger LT and older TT groups. Thus, the difference in age between the two groups most likely did not affect our main finding that both LTs and TTs showed sensitivity to mispronunciation. This is consistent with previous studies which found that even 14- and 15-month-olds were sensitive to word-initial mispronunciations (Swingley & Aslin, 2002).

It should also be noted that the group of typical talkers had a mean expressive vocabulary percentile rank of 63.8, which is above-average compared to the general population. While the general population includes both typical talkers and late talkers, and excluding late talkers from the typical group may account for the typical talking group's elevated average vocabulary score, it is possible that the group of typical talkers in this study included a higher percentage of "precocious talkers" with above-average vocabulary. It is possible that these precocious talkers show differential sensitivity to mispronunciations compared to children with average vocabularies; however, since we did not observe group-differences in sensitivity to mispronunciations, the main effects of this study are unlikely to be driven by the inclusion of these precocious talkers. Future research may wish to investigate this group separately from TTs with vocabulary scores in the broad average range.

The observation that toddlers with larger vocabularies accommodated mispronunciations more readily than those with younger vocabularies may have been influenced by toddlers’ age. Although age was statistically controlled for in our analysis, and was not a significant predictor, future work investigating toddlers’ ability to accommodate mispronunciations in lexical processing should carefully consider age in the study design.

Overall, these findings help to refine our understanding of what underlies LTs’ delays in expressive vocabulary development. There is extensive research documenting delays in LTs’ expressive phonological development, including reduced phonemic inventories, reduced diversity of syllable shapes, and lower accuracy in speech sound production. We had hypothesized these delays may have been driven by weaknesses in LTs’ forming precise phonological representations. However, the current results suggest that late talkers are able to form precise phonological representations of familiar words, at least of the initial phoneme. What can explain differences in LTs’ expressive phonological development in light of the current findings?

As theorized in psycholinguistic models of speech processing (Stackhouse & Wells, 1997; Terband et al., 2019), many different processes might explain difficulties in producing a target word, even when a child has a well-formed internal phonological representation of that word. Difficulties in motor planning, motor programming, or motor execution could all lead to delays or deviations in spoken language. Recent studies have linked toddlers’ speech-motor control to both concurrent and future expressive language development (Alcock & Krawczyk, 2010; Nip et al., 2011), highlighting links between motor and language development. It may be that differences in aspects of speech-motor control prevent LTs from using their well-formed internal phonological representations to produce speech.

As demonstrated in older children with speech delays (Geronikou & Rees, 2016), it may also be that individual children show delays or impairments in different aspects of speech processing. Within both TDs and LTs in the current sample, there was heterogeneity in toddlers’ sensitivity to mispronunciations, supporting the notion that toddlers – TD and LT alike – may show differences in specific aspects of speech processing. If this is the case, then individual differences in sensitivity to mispronunciations may still predict later language development. Given that most LTs go on to develop language abilities in the average range, it may be that only the subset of LTs who will continue to show protracted language development will display reduced sensitivity to mispronunciations. We are currently collecting longitudinal follow-up data on this sample of toddlers to address this possibility. In addition, recent work shows that preschoolers with speech sound disorders are less sensitive to mispronunciations than children without speech sound disorders (Brosseau-Lapre & Schumaker, 2020). It may be that only those children (TTs and LTs alike) who are susceptible to later speech sound disorders, and not to language delays more generally, show a reduced sensitivity to mispronunciations. Brosseau-Lapre and Schumaker (2020) utilized a decision-based task that included both substitutions and omissions, so additional research utilizing similar tasks across developmental ages is needed in order to test this possibility.

Toddlers may also differ in their sensitivity to mispronunciations on speech sounds that they can and cannot produce accurately. Future investigations may use the LWL mispronunciation task to probe sensitivity to mispronunciations on speech sounds that are both in and out of toddlers’ phonemic inventories. We are currently conducting analyses of expressive phonological development for toddlers in the current sample, but future work may include designs that use individualized stimuli based on each toddler’s phonemic inventory and error patterns.

Finally, results from the exploratory analyses support previous findings suggesting that lexical properties, such as phonotactic probability, impact toddlers’ sensitivity to mispronunciations (MacRoy-Higgins et al., 2014). The current analyses expand on these findings and suggest that lexical properties may have a differential impact on processing of mispronunciations in LTs and TTs. Future studies should investigate lexical properties that may impact LTs lexical processing of mispronunciations in familiar words.

In addition to phonotactic probability, it is also possible that the type of mispronunciation impacts toddlers’ responses. This study used 1-feature mispronunciations that occurred in word-initial position on monosyllabic words. Recent work has found that preschoolers with a history of being a LT have difficulty producing polysyllabic words (Neam et al., 2020); thus, sensitivity to mispronunciations on longer words may reveal differences we did not see in the current study. In future work, we plan to explore LTs’ sensitivity to mispronunciations of vowels and codas, as well as mispronunciations of polysyllabic words. It is also possible that the anatomical and/or perceptual distance of the contrasts in the mispronunciation pairs (e.g, the difference between “fork” and “sork” relative to “duck” and “guck”) could affect toddlers’ sensitivity to mispronunciations. This could also be investigated in future work.

Limitations and Constraints to Generality

A limitation of the study is that the group of late talkers was significantly younger than the group of typical talkers. Though we controlled for age in all statistical models to account for this, one might nevertheless worry that differences between the groups could be explained by age rather than late talker status. However, since we found that both groups were sensitive to mispronunciations and did not find evidence that late talkers differed from typical talkers in the magnitude of their sensitivity to mispronunciations, it is unlikely that the age difference between groups influenced the main findings.

This study focused on monolingual English-speaking toddlers living in the U.S. However, a significant limitation of the study is that the sample is not representative of the population of English-speaking U.S. children. Though not by design, the majority of toddlers in the study were white (80% in our study vs 48% of 0 to 4 year-olds in the United States population as of 2020; (The Annie E Casey Foundation, 2022), and all but one toddler’s caregiver had completed a bachelor’s degree or above, compared to 35% of adults aged 18 years or older in the U.S (U.S. Census Bureau, 2022). Future studies should strive to include a more diverse sample of participants to increase the generalizability of findings.

In addition, toddlers in the current sample passed a screening test for ASD, scored within 1.5 SD of the mean on a test of nonverbal cognitive abilities, and were not reported to have been born prematurely. Thus, we expect these results to generalize to monolingual English-speaking U.S. toddlers with similar characteristics but may not generalize to toddlers learning languages other than English, toddlers learning more than one language, toddlers at risk for ASD or general cognitive delay, and toddlers who were born prematurely.

The study was interrupted by the COVID-19 2020 pandemic, which curtailed our recruitment and testing efforts and resulted in a reduced sample size than originally intended. While interaction terms assessing the difference in sensitivity to mispronunciations between LTs and TTs failed to reach statistical significance, they were in the expected direction of LTs showing smaller mispronunciation effects. With a larger sample, these effects may have been statistically significant. Although the current study leaves open the possibility that there may be differences in the magnitude of the mispronunciation effect between TTs and LTs, it is quite clear from the present findings that LTs – as a group – are sensitive to mispronunciations.

Conclusion

Using a looking-while-listening mispronunciation paradigm, we found that toddlers with typical expressive vocabularies and those who are late talkers showed sensitivity to mispronunciations. This suggests that in both groups, stored phonological representations of familiar words contain sufficient detail to detect minor changes in pronunciations, at least in word-initial position. This stands in contrast to findings showing delayed expressive phonological development in LTs. Future research should explore LTs’ sensitivity to mispronunciations of phonemes in non-initial positions and further probe the impact of phonotactic probability on LTs’ processing of mispronunciations.

Supplementary Material

1

Supplemental Figure 1. Example Stimuli for “Ball-Car” Yoked Pair

Figure 2.

Figure 2.

Proportion of Frames Looking to the Target (vs Distracter) by Talker Type and Phonological Condition

Table 4.

Window Analysis, 300 - 1800 ms, Continuous Vocabulary Scores

Predictors Log-Odds Std. Error Wald Z p
Intercept 0.827 0.145 5.711 <0.001
MCDI Total Vocabulary 0.374 0.099 3.776 <0.001
Condition (Mispronunciation) −0.474 0.124 −3.816 <0.001
MCDI : Condition −0.156 0.085 −1.830 0.067
Child Age (Scaled) −0.062 0.089 −0.696 0.487

Note. Abbreviations: MCDI, MacArthur Bates Communicative Development Inventories

Acknowledgements

This study was supported by a National Institute of Deafness and Communication Disorders fellowship (F31DC017631) as well as a scholarship from Council of Academic Programs in Communication Sciences and Disorders, a Northwestern Graduate Research Grant to P.C., and a NIDCD grant to A.W. (R21DC018357). We would like to thank the families who took the time to participate in this work. The authors declare no conflicts of interest regarding the funding source for this study.

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Supplementary Materials

1

Supplemental Figure 1. Example Stimuli for “Ball-Car” Yoked Pair

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